On April 30, Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unveiled the latest in a series of provocations aimed at pulling the United States into a new war, this time against Iran. In a televised briefing, Netanyahu claimed that Mossad operatives had proof that Iran had been lying about its intention to develop nuclear weapons, before it signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015, under which it agreed to a strict regime of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) supervision, to insure that it did not have a nuclear weapons program.
On April 16, three days after the coordinated missile strikes on Syrian targets by the United States, the United Kingdom and France, the Washington Post seemed to be proclaiming, in a page one story, that the regime change coup against President Trump that it has campaigned for so vigorously had finally succeeded. Headlined "Trump, a reluctant hawk, has battled his aides on Russia and lost," the anti-Trump scribblers asserted that, despite the President's stubborn desire to develop improved relations with Russia and President Putin, the alleged use of chemical weapons by President Assad's military against civilians in the Damascus suburb of Douma forced him to recognize that this goal was unattainable. Not only had his aides convinced him to approve the strike, but it seemed he had given up his pledge of a week earlier to withdraw U.S. troops from Syria, when French President Macron boasted that he had "convinced" Trump that the U.S. must maintain a military presence in Syria. This was seconded by the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, the unabashed neocon Nikki Haley, who also told a Sunday morning news program that the administration would announce new sanctions against Russia within twenty-four hours.
The FBI raid on the office, hotel room and home of President Trump's personal attorney, Michael Cohen, on April 9, was part of an escalation designed to break Trump. It occurred in the midst of a desperate London-led offensive to turn Trump against Putin, at a time when Special Counsel Mueller's investigation into Trump's "collusion" with Putin in the 2016 election is collapsing. Since the whole purpose of Russiagate has been to prevent Trump from changing the relationship between the U.S. and Russia, from provocation and confrontation under Obama, to one of mutual cooperation, the same British intelligence networks responsible for the Russiagate lies moved directly against Putin and Russia with new provocations.
(This article is also available in the latest issue of EIR)
If the intent of the absurd charges flung at Russian President Putin by Britain's Prime Minister May and her Foreign Minister Boris Johnson was to drive a wedge between U.S. President Trump and Putin, they have failed miserably. May not only accused Putin's intelligence operatives of poisoning former Russian spy and British double agent Sergey Skripal and his daughter Yulia, but demanded that governments accept her accusations, and join Britain in imposing sharp penalties against Russia. While the U.S., fourteen EU nations and six other governments went along with May, expelling more than 130 Russian diplomats, the British were not pleased, as many governments, including some which did expel Russian diplomats, expressed doubts about the lack of evidence to prove the charges, and President Trump repeatedly refused to blame Putin, though his government did expel diplomats.
The British Empire's geopolitical escalation against Russia, using the charge that Russian President Putin and his intelligence services were behind the alleged poisoning in London of a former Russian intelligence agent, was dealt a stunning setback on March 21, when Putin and U.S. President Trump spoke via phone. Trump called Putin to congratulate him on his overwhelming election victory. The two then engaged in a broad discussion of how to expand their collaboration on a series of crucial issues. The friendly tone of the conversation, as well as its content, set off an explosion of anti-Putin, anti-Trump diatribes, as the latest effort to prevent such collaboration, with Britain's Prime Minister May and her Foreign Minister Johnson insisting that the attack on Sergei Skripal and his daughter be used as a causus belli against Russia, was outflanked by the dialogue between the two.
Two developments this past week demonstrate conclusively that the so-called Russiagate narrative was never anything more than a dirty operation by defenders of the Old Paradigm of geopolitical imperial power to prevent a duly-elected U.S. President from breaking with that old, collapsing paradigm.