In a political world not dominated by "Trump Derangement Syndrome", it would have been shocking to hear the paeans of praise heaped upon departed Senator John McCain, one of the leading war hawks in Congress, who passed away last month. The same Democrats who two weeks earlier rallied to defend former CIA chief John Brennan when President Trump removed his security clearance, were gushing over the "humanity" of McCain, praising him as a hero, who made great sacrifices for the country. What Brennan and McCain actually have in common is that both have been fanatic opponents of the strategic outlook of President Trump, who is committed to reversing the regime change policies and endless wars that the two embraced and engaged in, even when the result of their actions was to increase the likelihood of nuclear confrontation with Russia.
McCain and Brennan were ardent supporters of the disastrous decision by the George W. Bush administration to go to war in 2003 against Iraq, relying on false documents, produced by British intelligence, which alleged that Saddam Hussein's military possessed weapons of mass destruction, to justify demolishing that nation. Both backed the regime change in Libya, which destroyed that nation, and made it a trans-shipment center for sending U.S. weapons to Syrian anti-regime terrorists there, where both openly supported the jihadis committed to overthrowing President Assad. Both gave full-throated support to the neo-Nazi militias which overthrew the democratically-elected government of Viktor Yanukovych in Ukraine, insisting on transferring lethal weapons to them, to combat Russian "aggression." And both spoke with a pathological hatred of Russian President Putin, with McCain once tweeting to him during the "Arab Spring", "Get ready for the Moscow Spring, Vlad."
It was therefore not surprising that the two found common cause against Donald Trump, who has made ending U.S. promotion of regime change a central plank of his foreign policy. Unlike McCain and Brennan, Trump wants U.S. troops out of Afghanistan and Syria. During his campaign, he said that the wars begun by his predecessors Bush and Obama, and supported by his opponent, Hillary Clinton, cost thousands of American lives and trillions of dollars, though there was no national security interest for the U.S. to engage in those wars. His desire instead to work with Russia's Putin and China's Xi appealed to war weary Americans, and played a major role in his election victory. Even today, in spite of two years of nonstop anti-Russian propaganda, polls show that 60% of Americans support better relations with Russia. Yet, both McCain and Brennan have repeatedly attacked Trump for seeking cooperation with Putin, and launched vituperative tirades against him after his Helsinki summit with Putin.
McCain and Brennan worked in parallel to reverse Trump's election victory. Brennan played a key role, under the direction of British intelligence, in concocting the fake story of Russian meddling and Trump collusion, which led to the appointment of special counsel Robert Mueller, who was deployed by these so-called Deep State forces to remove Trump from office, with full backing from McCain.
THE "WATERGATING" OF TRUMP
No sooner was McCain's body in the ground when the next phase of the "Get Trump" campaign was initiated, with the pre-publication release of a book by Bob Woodward, "Fear: Trump in the White House." Woodward is famous for his role in the coup against Richard Nixon, with his reporting daily in the Washington Post on the Watergate scandal. At that time, he was the beneficiary of leaks targeting Nixon, both from within the administration and from the FBI, from a top official with the code name "Deep Throat." Nixon resigned in August 1974, a victim of his own bungling efforts at a cover-up of a minor crime—a botched burglary by "former" CIA operatives of his Democratic Party opponent's campaign headquarters at the Watergate Hotel—and the toxic environment created against him, fueled by the reporting of Woodward and his partner, Carl Bernstein.
Woodward relies on a technique called "deep background", in which he gets people to talk based on his promise of anonymity. His books are filled with reports from observers of meetings, in which they report on what they claim was said by others at the meeting. His new book on Trump is filled with such scenarios, of comments against Trump alleged to have been made by top officials, such as Defense Secretary Mattis and Chief of Staff John Kelly. Both forcefully denied making the statements attributed to them. Mattis, for example, who Woodward claims compared Trump's understanding to that of a 5th or 6th grader, that is, a young child, responded by saying "The contemptuous words about the President attributed to me in Woodward's book were never uttered by me or in my presence." Deriding the book as a work of "fiction...a uniquely Washington brand of literature," he said that the idea that he would show contempt to the President, or tolerate disrespect to the office of the President, "is a product of someone's rich imagination." Kelly issued a similar denunciation.
In his response, President Trump tweeted on September 5, "Isn’t it a shame that someone can write an article or book, totally make up stories and form a picture of a person that is literally the exact opposite of the fact, and get away with it without retribution or cost."
However, this has not stopped the media from running excerpts from the book, praising Woodward's report as a devastating account of chaos and incompetence in the White House, feeding a growing frenzy of calls from media and Democratic leaders for Trump's impeachment. For example, Senate Minority leader Schumer responded to a question shouted to him as to when Trump will be impeached by shouting back, "Soon."
Bolstering the effect of Woodward's book, the New York Times published an anonymous op-ed on September 5, "I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration." Allegedly written by a senior administration official, its author claims that many "senior officials...are working diligently from within to frustrate parts of his agenda and his worst inclinations." It accuses Trump of being "impetuous, adversarial, petty and ineffective," adding that he acts "in a manner that is detrimental to the health of our republic." There are "unsung heroes in and around the White House", the author asserts, referring to himself, who are part of the "resistance", and who have discussed invoking the 25th Amendment to remove him from office. These "heroes" are "thwarting Mr. Trump's misguided impulses until he is out of office," such as his "preference for autocrats and dictators," referring explicitly to Putin and Kim Jong-un. While defensively insisting that this "isn't the work of the so-called Deep State," what the author describes is a Fifth Column within the administration, which is committed to preventing the President from pursuing his most important campaign pledge, for a reversal of the disastrous geopolitical policies of previous administrations.
This is precisely what the collusion between top layers of British intelligence and Obama administration intelligence officials, such as Brennan, has been about from the beginning, with their concocting the story of Russiagate: either stop Trump's efforts to bring the U.S. into peaceful cooperation with Russia and China, to address hot spots such as Syria, the Korean peninsula and Ukraine; or remove him from office. The Woodward book and the New York Times op-ed are designed to erode support for Trump within the Republican Party, to insure there will be enough votes to impeach him, after the mid-term elections. Right on cue, Sen. Corker, a Tennessee Republican who turned against Trump shortly after the inauguration, defended the op-ed, saying, "This is what all of us have understood...from Day One."
MID-TERM ELECTIONS TO DETERMINE WAR OR PEACE
The stakes could not be higher in the November 6 mid-term elections. With the British initiating new provocations to heighten tension between the West and Russia—such as Britain's Prime Minister May's latest fraudulent accusations about Russian involvement in the Skripal affair, and preparations for a new False Flag chemical weapons attack in Syria—leading figures, such as former German Ministry of Defense official Willy Wimmer, are warning that the removal of Trump could lead to war with Russia. By dismissing Trump's initiatives for peace, such as his call for removing U.S. forces from Syria, reaching agreement on denuclearization of North Korea, and his support for talks with Russia on nuclear arms reduction, as proof that he is in "Putin's pocket", as Brennan charged, the threshold for war is reduced.
The timing of this escalation is not coincidental, as it occurs when Trump's foreign policy is achieving breakthroughs, as in Syria, where government forces, with Russian backup, are about to crush the last stronghold of Al Qaeda in Idlib province; as North Korea's Kim has confirmed he intends to comply with his pledge made to Trump in their Singapore summit, to complete denuclearization during Trump's term in office; and with U.S. officials and their Russian counterparts beginning discussion on START and INF nuclear arms reduction initiatives, as he discussed with Putin in Helsinki.
That the issue is not the usual partisan divide, but one of war and peace, is the message which must get out to voters over the next two months. Trump warned during his campaign that the election of Hillary Clinton would lead to war. Those moving to oust Trump are committed to returning the U.S. to the path that Clinton was on, to continue the geopolitical division of the world, with proxy wars and regime changes, backed up by NATO expansion and U.S. global military might, to enforce the submission of Russia and China to a global dictatorship, a unilateral world dominated by financial control of the City of London and Wall Street. The neocons and neo-liberals running the Democratic Party resistance to Trump believe that they can win the 23 seats needed to return power to them in the U.S. House of Representatives, where impeachment proceedings would begin.
But to succeed in removing Trump, they need to weaken Republican support for him, just as the persistent, grinding effect of the Watergate scandal, driven by the fraudulent reporting by Woodward and Bernstein in the Washington Post, eroded Republican support for Nixon. As in Watergate, when Republicans associated with George H.W. Bush, who was the chair of the Republican National Committee, acted with Democrats to dump Nixon, the Bush, neocon faction which dominates the Republicans today, is collaborating with Democrats to sabotage Trump's presidency. The fake tears they shed together at McCain's funeral is evidence of their continuing treachery. With the mainstream media fully committed to this scenario, it is now up to those voters who elected Trump to step forward and defeat the London-directed Bush-Clinton-Obama establishment again. The President is making this clear in his campaign events leading up to the election. In a campaign rally in Billings, Montana on September 6, he warned supporters that, if the Democrats take the House, they will move to impeach him, regardless of the good things he has accomplished in office.
"If it does happen," he said, "it's your fault because you didn't go out to vote."
To move his base to mobilize aggressively for the mid-term election, it is essential that the full story of the British-directed Russiagate fraud be exposed. Toward that end, LaRouchePAC's call for the complete declassification of all documents related to Russiagate—especially those related to the collusion between British intelligence and the U.S. coup plotters around Brennan, and those related to the Steele dossier—is urgent, as these will make clear that the issue was never about "Russian meddling", but about protecting a failed world order which is pushing humanity toward nuclear destruction.